Nothing had happened to justify them in setting aside such
an ancient system. Why turn a compliment to the emperor into a slight
upon some one else? Anybody could do homage. What they had to avoid
was the possibility that some people's obstinacy might irritate the
emperor at the outset of his reign, while his intentions were
undecided and he was still busy watching faces and listening to what
was said. 'I have not forgotten,' he went on, 'the days of my youth or
the constitution which our fathers and grandfathers established.[253]
But while admiring a distant past, I support the existing state of
things. I pray for good emperors, but I take them as they come. As for
Thrasea, it was not my speech but the senate's verdict which did for
him. Nero took a savage delight in farces like that trial, and,
really, the friendship of such an emperor cost me as much anxiety as
banishment did to others. In fine, Helvidius may be as brave and as
firm as any Brutus or Cato; I am but a senator and we are all slaves
together. Besides, I advise my friend not to try and get an upper hand
with our emperor or to force his tuition on a man of ripe years,[254]
who wears the insignia of a triumph and is the father of two grown
sons. Bad rulers like absolute sovereignty, and even the best of them
must set some limit to their subjects' independence.'
This heated interchange of arguments found supporters for both views.
The party which wanted the deputies chosen by lot eventually
prevailed, since even the moderates were anxious to observe the
precedent, and all the most prominent members tended to vote with
them, for fear of encountering ill-feeling if they were selected.
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